Talking the Language of the Hands to the Hands
The Importance of Hands for the Person Who is Deafblind
Click HERE for PDF.
A person who cannot see or hear or who lacks significant amounts of these senses must be given a way to compensate for the missing information these senses usually provide. In the words of Harlan Lane, he must be given “modality-appropriate stimulation” (1997). Most commonly it is the hands that take over the function of the eyes and ears for the person who is deafblind. Fortunately, as both Harlan Lane and Oliver Sacks have reminded us, the brain is extremely plastic. When a sense is used a great deal, the brain is able to process information from that sense more efficiently. People who use their fingers extensively, such as Braille readers and string players, “give evidence of increased cortical representation of the fingers.” (Lane, 1997). What is more, areas of the brain previously devoted to visual or auditory processing can be reallocated to processing tactile information, providing the hands with even more brain power. In this way, the hands of a person who is deafblind can become, in addition to their usual role as tools, useful and intelligent sense organs, allowing people without sight and hearing to have access to objects, people, and language that would otherwise be inaccessible to them. It is important to note here that the brain is most plastic, most adaptable, when a child is young, and therefore, the earlier a child who is deafblind can learn to use his hands as finely tuned receptors, the more likely he will be to make optimum use of his hands to get information.
Often the hands of a person who is deafblind must assume an additional role. Not only must they be tools (as they are for all people who have use of their hands), and sense organs (to compensate for their missing vision and hearing), but they must also become voice, or the primary means of expression. Sign language and gesture will often become the main avenue for expressive communication. For these tasks, the hands must be skilled in a unique way, able to express such things as tone, nuance of feeling, and emphasis of meaning in addition to being able to form words.
Because the hands of a person who is deafblind are so important — functioning as tools, sense organs, and voice — it is crucial for educators, parents, and friends of people who are deafblind to become especially sensitive to hands. Just as they would never poke or control the sensitive eyes of a child who can see, they must learn not to control the equally sensitive hands of a child who is deafblind, whose hands must function as eyes. They must learn how to read the hands of the person who is deafblind and how to interact with them, in order to ensure their best development. They must learn how to present information so that it is accessible to the hands, since this is often the only remaining modality. They must “speak the language of the hands to the hands” and “read the language of the hands from the hands."
In order to do these things well, it is important to understand what role the hands play in typical development, and in the development of children who are blind and children who are deaf. This understanding will help educators, parents, and friends interact as skillfully as possible to facilitate the development of the hands of the person who is deafblind.
The Role of Hands in Early DevelopmentFor all of us—deafblind or not—the development of our hand skills as infants paralleled the development of our emerging sense of self in the world. Thanks to our growing abilities to use our hands as tools, we became confident in our power to act on objects and persons, to explore, to move about in the world. Perhaps no one has documented this development as carefully as Selma Fraiberg in her 1977 book, Insights from the Blind. Much of what she and her colleagues learned about normal development they came to understand by first observing carefully the development of a few children who were blind. Their observations of these children caused them to reflect upon how all children use their hands and how hands contribute to the growth of the individual.
The hands of the newborn infant are not yet tools. They are usually held at shoulder height on either side of the body and execute random instinctive movements. They are also subject to the tonic neck reflex, where the extension of a hand and the turning of the head toward the hand occur together. This reflex predisposes the baby to look at his own hand (Fraiberg, p. 150). After the tonic neck reflex disappears, the midline orientation of the head and the random bringing together of the hands at midline results in further visual and tactile rewards as the fingers experiment with touching, moving, and grasping. Once the infant begins to connect the visual experience of the movement of the hands and arms with the corresponding proprioceptive muscular experience, there is the possibility of increasing control of the hand movements. Reaching, grasping, dropping, throwing—the infant executes all of these again and again, all the while experiencing herself more and more surely as a being who is able to act upon the world.
In the second half of the first year, the achievement of hand-eye coordination and the ability to reach and grasp provide the decisive motivation for mobility. The infant sees an object or person and moves toward it in an effort to grasp. The hands and the eyes pull the child outward into the world beyond her own body. Crawling and walking bring their own rewards as the infant gains more ideas about the world and more confidence in her ability to explore it and affect it.
Hands also play a crucial role in language development. In all children, hands are an important form of expression. Nearly everyone has seen a proud parent showing off their infant child who just learned to wave “bye-bye” or blow a kiss. Gestures such as these often precede the first spoken words. Perhaps the most important gesture in language development is the pointing gesture. A mother pointing at an object as she names it (“Look! Doggie!”) is establishing a mutual topic and ensuring that she and her child are focused on the same thing. The word that names the thing can then acquire meaning for the child. A young child who is just learning her first words will use the point and the accompanying glance toward mother or other adult over and over again as a way of confirming her new skill of naming. This pointing gesture grows out of the reach, which in turn grows out of the confident coordination of hand and eye. In all children, these developing hand skills lay the foundation for the acquisition of language.
Hand Development in the Child who is BlindThe situation is obviously different for the infant who cannot see. In the first place, the tonic neck reflex and the bringing together of the hands at midline do not bring visual rewards. Perhaps for this reason, it generally takes much longer for the hands to come under conscious control and to act as agents of desire and will, independent of instinctual, reflexive movements.
In fact, without sight, it is a huge task for a child to learn to use her hands as tools and as differentiated organs of perception. Selma Fraiberg noticed in her observations—first, of one young boy named Peter and then, of many other preschool children who were blind—that the hands of these children often remained for a long time in the typical young infant position, at shoulder height, seemingly unaware of their own power. Many children who are blind are slow in bringing their hands together at midline, and also slow in developing intentional prehension, that is, reaching and grasping.
Fraiberg also noticed that Peter’s hands and the hands of other young children who were blind behaved for a very long time like mouths. They clawed, “bit,” and pinched, much like teeth. Their hands seemed to be making the same kind of effort that the mouth makes to take things into itself, to incorporate. Their hands were tools, but crude ones; and they required much practice and development before they found “pleasure in manual exploration of objects” (p. 33). In order for his hands to become sense organs in their own right, to be interested in exploring the world, separate from his mouth, Peter seemed to need to go through a stage of using them to throw things in a more and more focused way. Selma Fraiberg speculates that this throwing was part of a “process of separating the skeletal muscles from the mouth” (p. 47). She notes that sighted children (most of whom go through a similar but shorter throwing stage) are also typically beginning to learn to move independently at this stage, thus affording them the opportunity to use their skeletal muscles and to experience their own physical aggressiveness and competence in positive ways. The child who is blind and who has not learned even the beginnings of locomotion (because he is not yet lured by objects “out there”) may be in Peter’s position of not yet having a large-muscle outlet for his aggression. He may, therefore, use his hands in conjunction with his mouth as outlets for this energy. Fraiberg found that when Peter was allowed and encouraged to throw safely, he did so in an increasingly focused way, and his aggression toward people— manifest in his pinching and clawing—subsided rapidly.
Blindness imposes yet another monumental task on the hands of the child who is born with this limitation. Without the help of sight, the child must learn to confer object permanence upon the world around her. She must come to know for certain that objects exist apart from her immediate experience of them. The hands and ears are her only reliable means of doing this. In a normally developing infant who can see and hear, this is accomplished through the coordination of all the senses. An object that is seen, touched, and possibly heard and smelled, can be followed with the eyes as it disappears, can be heard when it is out of sight, and can be located with the eyes when it is heard. These experiences build upon one another until the infant (usually by about 9 months) is confident of the existence of objects and people apart from herself, and will search for a lost object. Along with the achievement of object permanence comes a big step in the development of self-concept: The child learns to feel that “I exist,” apart from others and apart from the object world.
A child who is blind normally achieves object permanence later than the child who can see. He ever so gradually learns that the sound of a favorite toy indicates the existence of that toy in space.
Just as gradually, he learns to reach for that object. This assurance lays the foundation for mobility, as it lures the child outward. Fraiberg has documented the minute stages in the development of this sense of object permanence in her description of a young boy whom she calls Robbie. In the culmination of this process, at age 10 months and 10 days, Robbie was first observed to finger an object in an exploratory manner (rather than simply banging on the object, or grasping it and banging it, or dropping it, or throwing it). His fingering seemed to indicate that he finally had the idea that “it is a thing which has qualities of its own, independent of his own activity” (p. 192). About three weeks later, Robbie reached for an object on sound cue alone for the first time, and three days after that, he crept for the first time. What led up to this important breakthrough for this young boy were weeks and months of experimentation and play in which he was learning that the information from his hands and from his ears could be coordinated. He was learning to trust, too, that his hands and ears could indeed give him reliable information about the world.
The part that hands play in the language development of the child who cannot see is important. One of Fraiberg’s most important discoveries was that the hands of the child who is blind are very expressive, and they often take over the functions that smiling, eye gaze, and facial expressions perform for the sighted child. They move excitedly in response to pleasure and interest, even before they find themselves able to explore or intentionally reach out. Fraiberg found that if she could educate mothers and caregivers to notice the hands of their children who could not see, they could read a great deal there. Mothers who failed to do that often experienced a breakdown in their relationships with their infants, probably because the mutual eye-gaze and reciprocal smiles that usually lay the foundation for such relationships were impossible with a child who was blind. Fraiberg found that teaching mothers to see smiles and signs of interest in the hands of their children helped them to maintain positive turn-taking interactions and reinforced the early bonding necessary for healthy development.
Pointing and gesturing will obviously not have the same meaning for a child who is blind as they do for a child who can see. As a result, the first words of children who cannot see are often words that name things that make distinctive sounds or things that are often within the hands’ reach of the child. Hearing the name of a thing spoken as he is touching it, or as he hears its sound, helps the child make the link between the name and the thing. Mutual touch is the most direct equivalent of the pointing gesture for a child who is blind since it lets him know most surely that there is a mutual referent, that the object named is the mutual topic that he shares with the one speaking (the precise nature of this touch is important and will be discussed later). Selma Fraiberg observed the relationship of touch and language development when she noticed that, as Peter “discovered objects, handled them, discriminated and named them, his vocabulary enlarged very quickly” (p. 43).
Hand Development in the Child who is Deaf
The hands of a child who is deaf follow a normal sequence of development—learning to coordinate with information from the eyes, learning to reach and grasp, and becoming more confident agents of the self. They also usually assume the added task of becoming voice for the child in a far more extensive way than they do for children who can hear and speak. Recent linguistic research has noted that children who are deaf “babble” with their hands, making random and increasingly differentiated handshapes that will later be useful in forming the signs of American Sign Language (or whatever language turns out to be the child’s native sign). Children who are deaf and exposed to sign language from birth do this sort of babbling at about the same age as hearing children babble with their voices. They begin forming signs (“speaking” their first words) at about the same time as children who use their voices to make their first words (Quigley & Paul, 1984, p. 95). It seems that when the hands of a child who is deaf are encouraged to be the main avenue of expression, they frequently assume the role with competence and at typical ages.
Hand Development in the Child who is DeafblindGiven the tasks of achieving early bonding, object permanence, hand autonomy, and mobility for the child who is blind, one can only imagine the compounded difficulty for the child who can neither see nor hear. In addition, the hands of a child who is deafblind must also become voice, as they must for most children who are deaf. Fortunately, children who are deafblind often have some residual vision and/or hearing which they can use to help make the connections necessary to proceed through these developmental milestones that involve hand use. Skillful education of remaining vision and/or hearing is absolutely crucial in helping the child who is deafblind achieve bonding, object permanence, hand autonomy, and hand expressiveness—all of which are prerequisites to the fundamental achievements of a strong sense of self, independent mobility, and language development.
In the cases in which neither vision nor hearing can be relied upon, the hands must largely assume the tasks of achieving exploratory competence, helping to gain a secure sense of object permanence and thereby a motivation for mobility, helping to construct a body image and sense of self in the world, and gaining the ability to express feelings and ideas in differentiated ways. The hands of the child who is deafblind must become curious, must learn to search, explore, reach and grasp, and must become able to express an increasingly wide range of feelings and ideas—all without the reinforcement that vision and hearing provide. It is absolutely crucial that this development happen, because for such a child, hands are the primary connection to the world. Without education of the hands (or without compensatory use of other avenues of information, in the cases where the use of hands is impossible), there will be no differentiation of self and world, no acquisition of language, and no cognitive development beyond the most elementary ideas.
My observations of developmentally young children who are deafblind lead me to believe that their hand development is intimately related to their conversational interactions with primary caregivers. In numerous cases I have observed that an infant’s or young child’s first exploratory hand behavior is a kind of self-stimulation, often hand in mouth, or hands on other parts of the body. The child’s first reaching out into the world beyond his own body occurs from within the safety of secure physical support, and the first object of exploration other than his own body is most often the body of a caregiver. Exploring the face of mother or another person, when such exploration is encouraged and reinforced, happens again and again, and eventually develops into further exploration of the world. When this exploration is not encouraged, the child’s hands do not learn to reach out for information. They remain fixated on his own body.
The crucial question is just how to encourage tactile exploration and how to help extend it out into the world. How does one educate the hands of the infant or young child? And how does one continue to educate the hands of the older child who is deafblind? What precise kinds of touching encourage the child to reach out more and more surely into the world and to use her hands as primary avenues of expression?
Teaching Skills that Facilitate Hand Development and Expressiveness in Persons who
|
About Barbara MilesBarbara Miles is a communication specialist/consultant and teacher, experienced with all ages and levels of persons who are deaf-blind. She has taught regional, national and international seminars on communication issues for children who are deaf-blind. Her articles have been published in the Journal of Vision Impairments and Blindness, Deafblind Education, and regional newsletters.
|
References
Adamson, Bakeman, & Smith, (1994) Gestures, words, and early object sharing. V. Volterra, and C.J. Erting, (Eds.), From gesture to language in hearing and deaf children, Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press.
Fraiberg, S. (1977). Insights from the blind; comparative studies of blind and sighted infants, New York: Basic Books. Lane, H. (1997, June). Modality-appropriate stimulation and deaf-blind children and adults. Address to the Hilton-Perkins Conference on Deafblindness, Washington, DC. Miles, B., Riggio, M. (Eds.) (1999). Remarkable conversations: A guide to developing meaningful communication with children and young adults who are deafblind. Watertown, MA: Perkins School for the Blind. Quigley, S.P., & Paul, P.V.(1984). Language and deafness, San Diego, CA: College-Hill Press. Smith, T. (1994) Guidelines: Practical tips for working and socializing with deaf-blind people. Burtonsville, MD: Sign Media, Inc. |
Afterward
It is well-known that evolution endows species with the ability to adapt to a changing environment over time. Less appreciated perhaps is the fact that evolution has also endowed us with the ability to adapt to our environment during our lifetimes. The ability of the human brain to adapt to changes in the environment, called cortical plasticity, is nothing short of astounding.
Cortical plasticity involves much more than merely reinforcing brain areas that receive stimulation and shutting down brain areas that no longer receive stimulation from inoperative senses; it also involves, when some senses are depleted, compensatory changes in the nervous tissue serving other, remaining senses. The brain may sprout new connections in the tissue serving remaining senses, and it may also reallocate to those remaining senses brain areas that otherwise would have served the inoperative senses. Thus, is created the neural basis for enhanced performance with the remaining senses, an adaptation favoring survival of the organism with the altered sensory configuration. As a result, one can learn language with vision alone, one can learn object classes and object constancy using touch, learn to anticipate using smell, learn causality using only audition, and so on. Likewise, social-emotional skills— getting attention, cooperating, persuasion, bonding, play—can be learned and executed with various senses. The deaf learn to do all these things without sound, the blind without vision. For success, the crucial problem that must be solved is this: How must the presentation of events be reorganized to match the sensory modalities available.
To gain a sense of the subtlety and complexity involved in designing modality appropriate stimulation, we need only consider one of the natural human languages that has evolved appropriate for visual people, the American Sign Language of the Deaf, and take note of the many ways in which it is adapted to and appropriate for vision— in its rules for sign formation; in its use of space for grammar; in its use of several concurrent “channels” of information and much more. Deaf children exposed only to signing without a spatial grammar end up introducing spatial grammar into their signed utterances even though they have never seen it.
If children who grow up deaf are visual people, children who grow up deafblind are tactual people. Their modality appropriate stimulation must come, above all, through the skin, especially through those sensory receptors that can reach out into the space around the deafblind person the hands. Deafblind adults can teach us much about how to channel information through the tactile sense, for they make such adaptations every day. The challenge, then, for the families and teachers of deafblind people is to find ways to reorganize our daily interactions that are attuned to vision and hearing so that they become attuned instead to touch. Braille did just that when he invented his code of the alphabet; the deafblind community did just that when it adapted communication in ASL to the tactual modality. However, nothing less than all types of human interactions must be rethought in this way. This takes deep familiarity with deafblind people, a readiness to be their student as well as their teacher, commitment and creativity. Barbara Miles reveals all of these in the preceding reflection on how to talk the language of the hands to the hands.
Harlan Lane
|